The politicisation of the Thar coal project

A strong lobby in the country seems bent upon creating hurdles in the setting-up of plants to generate electricity from Thar coal reserves in Sindh.
The Sindh government, according to official sources, is well aware of the challenges facing the mega project, and the provincial political leadership fears the issue might be politicised, like in the case of the Kalabagh dam (KBD) project.
Despite a severe power shortage in the country and ever-increasing electricity rates, it seems really strange that the Centre is showing no eagerness to generate cheap electricity from the coal reserves, and no mentionable funds have been allocated in the Public Sector Development Programme (PSDP) of the federal budget 2010-11, for the project. It is another disturbing fact that the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) is doing almost nothing to initiate the mega project, though its main leadership belongs to the Sindh province, and the party is at the helm of affairs in the Centre as well as in Sindh.
The dream of generating electricity from Thar coal reserves will take a long time to come true, even if the government begins work on the project today. To attract foreign or local investment, Thar would need basic infrastructure, including highways, link roads, electricity and water etc. No heavy machinery could be transported to the proposed sites in the absence of a road network. The most important in infrastructure is the setting-up of a high tension transmission line for distributing power in different parts of the country. At the moment, the infrastructure is non-existent. The Sindh government has, for the first time, suggested allocation of Rs. 10 billion for the high voltage transmission line in the upcoming budget of financial year 2011-12. Sindh Chief Minister, Syed Qaim Ali Shah, had expressed the hope in his budget speech that the federal government would also share its responsibility and contribute to the funding for developing infrastructure in Thar.
Earlier, the government had planned a Rs. 5512 million project in collaboration with China, to install a 500-KV power transmission line from Thar. Besides, in April 2002, a state-run Chinese company, Shenhua Group Corporation, was assigned to develop block-two of the Thar coalfields, accepting its proposal to establish a 600-MW power plant at the mine-mouth with associated captive coalmines. The Shenhua Group carried out studies related to coal-geological and hydro-geological possibilities in the area, and a project feasibility report was finalised.
Unfortunately, the project ran into various snags. Since then, a number of foreign investors have shown interest to develop these resources, but without any breakthrough. In April 2005, AES-Oasis Ltd. of the USA showed interest in developing an integrated mining-cum-power project of 1,000-MW capacity, utilising block-one Thar resources. The sponsor, after a year, finally backed out.
According to an estimate, at least Rs. 100 billion would immediately be required for setting up a high voltage transmission line and other infrastructure in Thar to start work on the actual coal power production plants. Keeping in view this huge funding, allocation of only Rs. 20 million in the PSDP in 2010-11 budget is negligible.
Another important factor that should be mentioned here is non-inclusion of the Thar coal power project in the priority list of the Planning Commission of Pakistan. As mentioned on its official website, the commission authorities have put emphasis on generating electricity through hydel and thermal power projects only. However, a Planning Commission document has mentioned, in its feasibility study, the use of Thar coal for the cement manufacturing industry. The document says 90 per cent of the cement manufacturing plants have abandoned furnace oil and opted for coal energy during the past decade. It has helped save a huge amount of precious foreign exchange which was earlier spent on import of furnace oil. With this major change in the cement industry's energy needs, coal consumption has gone up to five million tonnes per annum.
The Sindh Thar Coal and Energy Board is trying to lure investors into investing in Thar coal fields and projects. The board was set up by the Sindh chief minister, who is also the head of the board, to establish the ownership rights of Sindh over the coal reserves. However, the lobby creating hurdles in the Thar coal project seems very strong. The lobby might be opposing the plan to deprive Sindh of a mega energy project, say the sources. The lobby consists of oil importers, rental power brokers and other vested interests, according to the Sindh Thar Coal Board officials.
International energy politics might also have a hand in the delay of the project. The World Bank had organised an energy conference in Washington in 2009, to convince the world financing groups to invest in Thar coal in Sindh. However, in the same year, an environment conference was held in Copenhagen, which strongly stressed the need for minimising the use of coal for generating energy, to save the environment from hazardous effects of coal burning.
During the Copenhagen summit, the US advocated development of no, or low, carbon energy sources in the developing countries. That the US opposes coal-fired power is something difficult to believe because it has 600 coal-fired plants within the country which provide more than half of its energy supply. Another 60 coal-fired plants are at various stages of planning. The US refuses to accept limits to its domestic greenhouse gas emissions, though it did agree, for the first time, to modest cuts in Copenhagen.
The World Bank wrote a letter to the Government of Pakistan, seeking assurance that the Thar coal power generation projects would not affect the environment adversely. A Sindh government official, privy to the developments, alleged that the federal government was sitting on the letter and no reply was sent to the WB in this regard. The Sindh government, say the sources, is upset over the situation. The newly-appointed Federal Finance Minister, Dr. Abdul Hafeez Sheikh, who hails from Sindh, has reportedly talked to the WB authorities and tried to convince them that the use of new technology would help minimise the hazardous effects of coal use for power generation. However, Sindh Chief Minister, Syed Qaim Ali Shah, has alleged that a lobby in the federal government bureaucracy does not want power generation through the Thar coal reserves and it is creating hurdles in this regard.
The World Bank, perhaps, has become cautious after facing worldwide condemnation for extending a $3.75 billion loan to South Africa in April 2009, to build one of the world's largest coal plants. The decision drew sharp criticism, even from the Obama Administration. An international coalition of grassroots, church and environmental activists launched a massive protest against the controversial loan, saying that it would hurt the environment by putting out 25 million tonnes of carbon dioxide a year.
In Pakistan, the World Bank's decision not to finance the Thar coal project apparently for environmental reasons is not convincing enough, because the country's industry does not contribute much to carbon emissions and its carbon footprint is one of the lowest. So, not much harm to the ecology could be expected from the Thar coal project on completion.
Engro Energy, which has leased a block at Thar, wants the government to convince the WB in this respect because Pakistan happens to be one of the least polluters.
Meanwhile, Dr. Samar Mubarakmand, a nuclear scientist, who earned fame for his instrumental role in the 1998 nuclear tests, is working on a project for generating electricity through gasification of the Thar coal reserves. It will be ready by next year, and if implemented successfully, it will eliminate the problem of pollution by converting Thar coal into clean energy. According to Dr. Samar, the Thar coal reserves of 175.5 billion tonnes, discovered in 1992, have potential to generate 5,000 MW for at least 800 years.

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Why Most People Never Get Rich

Most people will never become rich no matter how high their IQ or how hard they work, or how much money they earn. Most people will spend their lives having the problem of not enough money and they will fail to ever live the life that they dreamed. By understanding why most people never get rich you can learn how to become rich.
Before I start telling you why most people never get rich I first want to debunk a few wealth myths that may be holding you back from becoming rich. Firstly the myth that you need to earn a lot of money to become rich is false, many people who earn millions become poor. You also don't need to be smart to be rich. Some of the richest people in the world dropped out of high school and college. You don't need money to make money, money can be made from nothing, or you can leverage other people's money to become rich. So now let me explain why most people never get rich.
Most People Save Money
Most people subscribe to the idea that you need to live frugally and save money in order to become rich. But there are a few problems with saving money that explain why this method keeps millions of people from becoming rich.
Firstly, money goes down in value over time. When my mum was a kid she could buy a bag of lollies for a penny, now I can't even get a bag of lollies for $1. Money loses its value as more money is printed and cost of living goes up, so by saving money you are actually losing money.
Also interest earned on money is heavily taxed, so although you are earning 4% on your money it is likely you are paying 30-50% in tax. That is an effective 2% return on investment. Seeing as inflation is around 3-5% you are going backwards.
Also just saving money is bad because you are not using any leverage. You are only getting money from working (and you can only work so hard) and you are only using your own money to invest. Your return is therefore very limited.
Most People Live Below Their Means
Most people live their entire lives trying to live below their means. They live frugally and try to spend less than they earn. But rich people don't try to live below their means they try to increase their means. Rich people are constantly seeking new investments that will earn them money without them having to do anything. By constantly seeking to increase their means rich people become richer and richer, and by constantly trying to live below their means poor people remain poor.
Most People Invest Not To Lose
This is probably the number one reason most people fail to become rich. It is not how much money you earn from your job that determines whether or not you can become rich. Generally it is your investing that will make you rich or keep you rich. Most people invest not to lose, but they don't invest to win. Thus they never get a good return on investment because they are too busy trying to play it safe.
Most People Buy Liabilities Not Assets
Even though most people are afraid of losing money they ultimately lose a lot of money because they buy liabilities instead of assets. Most people will buy nice cars, a big house and other expensive liabilities that take money out of their pocket every week. Rich people use their money to buy assets that put money in their pocket on a regular basis. So their income is constantly going up instead of their debt constantly going up.
Most People Are Financially Illiterate
Most people are so afraid of losing money because they are not financially educated. They don't know much about money and thus they cannot make solid investment decisions. They are constantly looking for the latest 'hot tip' about he stock market or property market and they are constantly buying into 'get rich quick' schemes. Or they spend their money on the lotto and blame their finances on the government. Most people never become rich because they go to school and college to learn but they never learn how to become rich.
Join the thousands of people already learning how to become rich WITHOUT making any more money. You can learn how to become rich without any costs for training. Go to http://www.richacademy.com and sign up to start your free training today.

Ancient Sites Encroached Upon Tomb Of Shah Baharo

Over 20 families have constructed houses at the site after demolishing graves, sources in the department said.

The intrusion that began in 1980-81 still continues amidst ineffective and insufficient measures to discourage the practice.

Mohammed Bakhsh Magsi, a primary teacher in collusion with land grabbers, has not only constructed his house but is also selling land after bulldozing graves, the department confirmed.

The department kept raising the matter with the revenue department for ‘demarcation' of the land which encompasses the tomb of Shah Baharo and the graveyard around it. The District Coordination Officer of Larkana has referred the matter to Mukhtiarkar for urgent measurement.

A cursory eye on the existing condition of the tomb unveils the volume of negligence of the department. The outer bricks of the tomb are crumbling while the platform to the entrance is damaged.

The inscriptions on the glazed tiles have also faded with no replacement in sight.

People, unconcerned with the vanishing beauty and historical background of the tomb of a general of Kalhora period, have ruthlessly trampled over the history.

When this correspondent visited the site, no attendant of the department was seen there. The old wooden gate itself speaks of the degree of negligence by the concerned authorities.

The Persian inscriptions, quite readable on the main gate are fast vanishing and if the situation remains unchanged, the inscriptions depicting the history would disappear.

A visit to the shrine reveals how the broken tiles are collected and kept in the windows of the tomb for further decay.

The repair and maintenance work carried out in past is invisible now and the tomb badly needs repair and restoration coupled with the immediate removal of the encroachments from the site.

TAJJAR BUILDING: Tajjar building is another famous old structure, situated in the heart of the city, is similarly ignored by the departments concerned.

Tajjar building was built in 1833 in Larkana as the temporary resting place for Nawab Wali Mohammad Leghari, a prime minister of the Khairpur state. He was buried temporarily during Kalhora period in this building and then his grave was relocated to Hyderabad.

Prior to his death, Nawab Leghari and later British officials used this building as public meeting place, anthropologist Manzoor Kohyar said.

In Z.A. Bhutto's days restoration and renovation work began on this building, which was declared as protected monument on May 20, 1980.

Shafqat Hussain Unnar, former assistant resident director of Pakistan National Centre had handed over the possession of Tajjar building to Ms Salma Sultana, custodian archaeology museum of Mohenjodaro on October 7, 1981 along with a two-room quarter.

Gulab Khan Metlo, the caretaker of Tajjar building, in an open kutchari on June 3, 2008 brought to the notice of the then DCO Larkana that Rasool Bakhsh Solangi, a peon of Larkana Municipal Committee, had encroached upon the two-room quarter. The matter is still pending.

JHUKAR-JO-DARO: Just eight kilometers away from Larkana on Larkana-Karachi road is Jhukar-jo-daro which, with the ravages of time, vanishes bit by bit.

Just in a visit you would see a rice mill, a brick kiln, rice fields and many houses constructed around this protected site where you seldom find any attendant to stop visitors and locals from inflicting damages to this historical site.

Paddy cultivation becomes a common practice around it which harms both the ruins and the history while frequent encroachments have disfigured this protected site.

In the recent past deputy director Mazhar Ali Mirani of the department of archaeology, following a visit to the site, had in a report maintained that unchecked encroachment was damaging the ruins.

The site, spreading over 40 acres of land, was being used as firing range for the recruits of police training school Larkana.

The curator of archaeological museum, Mohenjodaro, in a letter to the Larkana DCO on August 13, 2008 had indicated towards this practice. This site falls under the administrative control of the curator of Mohenjodaro.

The site is protected under the Antiquity Act 1975, the curator said.

Bullet empties are commonly found on the site while unauthorised digging of the site at different portions by the locals has further damaged the site, sources in the department said.

The adjoining villagers more often find artefacts particularly during the rainy season and sometimes they sell them out at good prices. This demands urgent measures to protect the sites.

Sindhi wedding rituals

ndian culture and heritage upholds the sanctity of the institution of marriage with the richness of its traditions. Through innumerable generations, the nuptial knot has defined the very concept of ‘family' in Indian culture and social communities. Marriages in India not only depicts the mere union of the bride and the groom, but also communion of their souls. Matrimony stands for the virtues of faith, trust and loyalty.
The occasion is thus celebrated and jubilated by the close and distant relatives of the concerned families. It is an event of great gaiety and frolic.

Originally hailing from the Sapt Sindhu, the area of the Sindhu River, Sindhi people are basically Sanatani Hindus and do not follow Hindu rites strictly. Sindhi weddingsare
mostly based on Vedic rites. Sindhi wedding rituals reflect the glimpses of Hinduism and Sufism. Their marriages are usually a lavish affair, characterized by great pomp and show. In the community, there are special priests known as Mehraj, who specialize in matchmaking and a Guryanni, who is entitled with the task of carrying the horoscopes of eligible boys and girls within the community.

Sindhi weddings are usually conducted on an auspicious day like the Satyanarayan Chandsi or the New Moon day. The gaiety and frolic begins within the family immediately after the families of the prospective bride and groom agree to their union. Sindhi weddings exemplify extreme grandeur and magnificence.

Sindhi wedding rituals comprise of interesting pre wedding, wedding and post wedding customs. The pre-wedding rituals of Janya, Kachchi Misri, Pakki Misri, Berana satsang, Mehendi, Santh, Saagri tradition and Ghari Puja set an atmosphere of merriment and celebrations.
These customs are succeeded by the Thread Ceremony, wherein turmeric powder and oil is applied to the Sindhi bride and groom in their respective houses. From then onwards, they are not allowed to step out of the house. This is followed by the traditional Swagatam custom, wherein the groom is led to the bride's place. At the house entrance, the bridegroom places his right foot on the top of the bride's foot. This gesture signifies his dominating strength. Thereafter, he enters the bride's house. The bride's brother washes the bride and the groom's feet with milk and water, considering the groom to be a form of Lord Vishnu.
Hathialo tradition then follows wherein the groom's scarf is tied to the bride's sari after which the wedding ceremony follows. The bride and the groom take four rounds around the sacred fire while the priest recites verses from Holy Scriptures.
The groom takes the bride's hand to his forehead. This gesture indicates that he accepts her as the better half of his life. The heads of the bride and groom are then held together. It represents that from now on, they are one in body, mind and spirit.

The Sindhi wedding is culminated by observing the ritual of Kanya Daan, wherein the bride's parents hand her over to the groom.

Post wedding customs of Vidai, Datar, Chanar/Dev Uthana, Sataurah further magnify the resplendence and flamboyance of the marriage ceremony.

Marriage thus is ritualistically carried out in the Sindhi community as one of the most sacred and solemn customs of their sect.

Amri Cultural Complex in Lower Sindh

Amri was the type site of an important prehistoric, pre-Indus Civilization cultural complex. The complex was located in the open terrain bordered in the northwest by the Sulaiman Range, in the southwest by the Kirthar Range and in the east by the Indus River. Sindh Kohistan and Manchar Lake form the heart of this complex.
On the basis of pottery design and other artifacts, 29 sites have so far been identified, which belonged to the Amri Cultural Complex in the late fourth and early third millennium BC. All but two of these sites are located west of the Indus River, most of them in the Dadu District of modern Sindh.
The sites are spread in the Lake Manchar area, in and around the hills of Johi, and in Sindh Kohistan. At least two sites, Othmanjo Buthi and Arabjo Thana are located in the Karachi District, and two sites, Gharo Bhirro and Kot Kori, are located east of the Indus River. Among the sites, which have produced substantial Amrian material are Pir Lohri near the Manchar Lake, Ghazi Shah, Pandi Wahi and Gorandi around the hill tracts of Johi and Damb Buthi, Chauro and Bandhni in the hills of Sehwan and Sindh Kohistan.
Along with Amri, 18 of the sites belonging to the Amri Cultural Complex later became a part of the Indus Civilization, as is revealed from the Indus pottery found from the upper layers. The other 11 sites belonging to the Amri Complex were abandoned in the Indus Civilization period, as the people from these sites moved to larger towns, which began to emerge in the Indus State.
Settlement characteristics
By far most of the settlements belonging to the Amri Cultural Complex were located in the Sindh Kohistan Region, where a large number of perennial springs are located. Water from these perennial springs was often enough for irrigation throughout the year. As such two harvests were possible, in Rabi and Kharif seasons. Also, although the area does not receive a lot of rainfall, the rains are enough to give rise to substantial grazing fields. The economy of the region was therefore sustained by substantial agricultural produce, both in the shape of crops as well as animal breeding.
Another feature of the settlements located in the Sindh Kohistan Region was their construction on conically shaped artificial hills, locally referred to as buthis. It may well be that these artificial hills were constructed over existing settlements in the Indus Civilization Period, because the material belonging to the Amri Culture has mostly been found near the base of the mounds.
Amrian pottery
A large number of pottery pieces have been recovered from the lower levels at Amri. This pottery belongs to a distinct class, quite different in design from the pottery produced at other cultural centers and at Amri itself during the Indus period. The similarities of this pottery with the pottery produced at Nal and other sites in South-Central Baluchistan, such as Mehi and Kulli, indicate that the artisans originally came from Baluchistan.  The Amrians produced bichrome pottery. The color was applied after firing as per traditions of the polychrome Nal pottery. The pale colored pottery was decorated with geometric motifs such as lozenges, chevron, rectangles and wavy lines.
Indigenous and external sources of raw materials
Stone, flint modules and clay used in the construction of buildings and manufacture of artifacts at Amri cultural sites were available from the lower slopes of the Kirthar mountain Range.
Semi-precious stones like agate, carnelian and chalcedony, used in ornaments, were available in the Sindh Kohistan Region, where a large number of Cambrian sites were located.
Eastern Iran and western Baluchistan were resource areas for some minerals used in the Amrian Phase.
Interactions of Amri with Kot Diji, South-Central Baluchistan and South-western Iran
Field research indicates substantial interaction between the Kot Diji and Amri Cultural Complexes. Some scholars believe that the interaction between the two cultural complexes socio-religious exchanges (marriages, festivals and ceremonies), but by and large the two Complexes retained their Cultural identities throughout the 1000 or odd years before the two complexes were merged in the Indus Civilization.
Another area, which interacted closely with the Amri Cultural Complex, was South-Central Baluchistan. This was but natural because the people settled in Amri originally came from the Nal Region of South-Central Baluchistan. Because of close similarities between the potteries produced in the Nal Region of Baluchistan and the Amri Cultural Complex, this pottery design is generally categorized as Amri-Nal. In the Kulli Region, southwest of Nal, there was a certain period in which the pottery produced was very similar to the Amri-Nal pottery.
Similar designs of pottery found in the Tepe Yahya Region of South-western Iran indicate that, in the peak period, the Amri Cultural Complex maintained cultural contacts with the south-western region of Iran.

Kot Diji Fort

The Kot Diji Fort, formally known as Fort Ahmadabad, dominates the town of Kot Diji in Khairpur, Pakistan about 25 miles east of the Indus River at the edge of the Nara-Rajisthan Desert. The fort was built between 1785 to 1795 by Mir Sohrab Khan Talpur, founder of the Kingdom of Upper Sindh in 1783. In addition to the fort, a 5 kilometer, 12 feet wide mud wall was built around the city. This defensive wall had bastions throughout its length and a huge iron gate served as the city's only entrance.
Fort Kot Diji
Mir Sohrab Khan Talpur, King
of Upper Sindh.1783-1830
Map of Sindh. Confederacy of Talpur KingdomsThe fort was considered invincible and served as the residence of the Ameers of Khairpur in times of peace. It is, therefore, the ancestral home of royal house. During war time the zenana (female members of the royal family), would be shifted to Shahgarh Fort, formerly within the realm but since 1843, after the conquest of the rest of Sindh, it is in the Jaisalmer desert, now in India. When the Zenana moved into the comfort of palaces, it stood mainly as a decorated reminder of more violent times. Throughout its whole history, however, Fort Kot Diji was never attacked.
Construction
Kot Diji is a very practical fort constructed on a limestone hill with kiln-baked bricks. Bricks were used because the locally available limestone rock was very brittle and would have shattered easily on impact with a cannonball. The hill is about 110 feet high, above which the walls of the fort rise another 30 feet. It has three strategically placed towers about 50 feet tall.
The fort is over half a kilometer long. Its walls are segmented by about 50 bastions, and its 1.8 km outer perimeter wall identically follows the double crescent-shaped contours of the hill it stands on. This allows the fort to surround the attacking enemy on three sides on the west front. On the east, where the entrance lies, the fort is divided by three elephant-proof gates into three overlapping levels, so that the first two levels can be attacked by the next level above them in the event of the lower level being overrun by the enemy. The first gate is not a prominent portal but rather an indirect entry so that the gate cannot be rammed on a charge. The walls and bastions have arrow slits in them, allowing defenders to attack their enemy from two levels: from the battlement on top and from within the wall.
The fort was built at a time when cannons had become common and its design and position reveals that. It includes a multitude of stations for cannons and, because it is positioned high on a narrow ridge, enemy cannons would have had to fire at a great distance, permitting little accuracy. Cannonballs could either hit the hill or perimeter or would simply fly over the fort and fall on the enemies' own forces on the other side.
Location
Kot Diji was located at the edge of the desert; this provided an advantage over enemies marching from the east, because an exhausted army could be met before it could take supplies and water from the irrigated lands. In fact, the Mirwah canal was built in 1790 specifically to irrigate the lands west of the fort and bring water to the military base.
Role under the British Empire
The Kingdom of Upper Sindh later was recognized by the British as the princely state of Khayrpur, after the East India Company had reduced its area to less than a third of its original size of over 50,000 km². The Fort was allocated the role of central military base for the Kingdom, especially to resist Afghan invasion. It was the strongest of the 20 or so Talpur forts and was named after the Persian architect Ahmed, who designed it. According to folklore it took 30 years to build; in reality, a much shorter, tactically feasible period may have been possible by mobilizing peasants and soldiers on a massive scale.
Recent history
After the merger of the State with Pakistan in 1955, the fort could have been included with the personal property of the Mir of Khairpur (as is the case with other ex-sovereign rulers who still possess their forts). However, Mir Ali Murad II thought it appropriate to hand it over to the government of Pakistan, expecting better maintenance. Since then, the fort has fallen into serious disrepair and is presently in a derelict condition. Most of the lime mortar plaster has fallen of the walls, leaving the bricks exposed. During the dictatorship of Ayub Khan, 192 cannons and mortars based at and collected in the fort were stolen or destroyed by being thrown from the bastions; other decorative fixtures and fittings were stolen as well. Apart from many indigenously made cannons, the collection included those built for Nadir Shah, the Kachar emperors, and the Kalhora, Mughal and Safavid dynasties, along with antique European cannons.

Prince Mehdi Raza exposes government corruption showing the use of sand instead of cement as mortar.Jan, 2006In 1994 the provincial government of Sindh leased out the limestone hill on which the fort stood for demolition and quarrying for limestone extraction, in order to construct buildings and form foundations for government-built roads. However, public outrage – focusing partly on the abundance of limestone throughout the region – caused the surprised government to back down.
Today the town wall is barely visible. The massive historic iron gate was sold for scrap soon after the takeover of Khairpur by Pakistan. Here, as with other places, Khairpur's heritage and history are being erased; some claim that this part of a deliberate effort by the federal government to erase the Khairpur identity. In 1995 a check of 500 rupees (approximately US$8) was provided for the repair of Kot Diji. Repeated requests by citizens for permission to repair it privately have apparently been ignored. In 2005, about 25 million rupees were handed over to a repair scheme which has apparently left it even more damaged. Sand was used as mortar to replace the original mortar and, as a result, the walls are highly susceptible to rainfall.
Recently, the federal government handed over the fort to the government of Sindh. Since Sindh, which nominally has a provincial status, is widely considered to have a corrupt government, it is perhaps unlikely that the fort will benefit. However, Prince Mir Mehdi Raza Khan Talpur (younger of the two sons of the ex-ruler) is giving personal attention to the fort and has stated his commitment to its repair if sufficient funds can be acquired

Karachi's Heritage

The preservation of lists of buildings identified as significant is a prerequisite to the conservation of historic urban architecture. During the 1960s, Karachi Development Authority(KDA), under the guidance of its Chief Town Planner, Mr. Ahmed Ali, prepared a list of such buildings; however, the KDA list was limited (42 structures) and confined itself to prominent buildings which are largely owned/occupied by government agencies. The vast reservoir of historic buildings of Karachi thus remained un-documented and un-protected. Since KDA was unable to enlarge upon that list, Heritage Foundation initiated the Heritage Documentation Programme and published the first document on Karachi in 1986.

In December 1993, the Chief Minister, Government of Sindh agreed to a Heritage Foundation proposal to bring about legislation for the preservation of historic architecture.

The Cultural Heritage Advisory Committee, formed under the Sindh Cultural Heritage (Preservation) Act, 1994, met in August 1995, and provided protection to all the buildings identified by the Heritage Foundation and published as Karachi Document 2 and 3 of the National Register. The Committee assigned Heritage Foundation the task of identification and publication of all other significant buildings in Karachi, so that they could also be protected.

Heritage Foundation with its limited resources  is proceeding with the immediate finalization and publication of inventories of the remaining buildings of cultural, historic and architectural significance in Karachi.

Through the efforts of Heritage Foundation several important buildings have been preserved, including the Quaid-e-Azam House Museum, Karachi and the G.P.O Building, Lahore, which are the first British-period buildings to be restored. Several buildings such as the Hindu Gymkhana and Jaffer Faddoo Dispensary, Karachi have also been saved from demolition.

Heritage Foundation has completed a systematic inventory of approximately ninety percent of significant buildings built prior to 1947 in Karachi. Several Documents on Karachi's Quarters have already been published. Further, based on the data that has been collected, detailed proposals for conservation zones are being developed, such as the Saddar Pedestrian Precinct, Karachi's Cultural Precinct and Frere Hall Cultural District.